Princes, Generosity, and Miserliness

I am unable to express the love with which he will be received in all those provinces which have suffered under these foreign invasions, with what thirst for vengeance, with what persistent faith, with what passion, with what tears. What doors would be closed to him? What people would deny his obedience? What Italian would refuse him homage? This barbarous dominion is repugnant to everyone!

-from The Prince, by Niccolo Machiavelli

Niccolo Machiavelli, a Florentine aristocrat of the Italian Renaissance, was a writer and political philosopher whose well-being was jeopardized during the period of French territorial expansion by Charles VIII in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. His political power had, under traditional Tuscan rule, flourished because of his good standing with the powerful Medici family but was usurped with the death of Lorenzo De Medici, whose proficiency for international relations had preserved the peace in the city-state for nearly a half-century. During the subsequent period of Medici banishment from 1494 to 1512, three opposing factions fought for control of Florence, as Machiavelli attempted to strengthen the independence of the city through his heavy influence as a literary genius and his position as "Nine of the Militia" (Carey 5). A number of factors persuaded him to write The Prince; the most notable of which was the return of the Medici dynasty to the Florentine throne. Piero De Medici, who had arrived in the Tuscan state with mercenaries in the Fall of that year, demonstrated an incompetence gross enough to inspire Machiavelli's treatise on princes, power, and statesmanship--which would ultimately serve as the foundation for modern political thought.

Among other observations, The Prince argues--in the manner of an instruction manual--that generosity to a people can only be accomplished through miserliness. He believes that by being miserly, a prince becomes loved by his people because he can afford to wage war, but that a prince will be feared by his enemies for the same reason--thus making him powerful enough to maintain his position. This seemingly antithetical assertion, like many of Machiavelli's, is well justified because it implores the reader to recognize the logic of his thinking. Throughout the passage from which this idea is taken, On Generosity and Miserliness, Machiavelli offers a number of rhetorical convictions to fully express the importance of an economical city-state. These convictions agree with one of the principal tenets of the capitalist society in which we live--that while generosity is subjective to its sociological and political atmosphere, the employment of lavish expenditures to augment one's reputation will inevitably subjugate his position.

One of the best examples of this precept can be found in the biographical novel of Michelangelo, The Agony and the Ecstasy. Irving Stone gives us an idea as to what sort of ruler Machiavelli was writing to by describing one of Piero De Medici's many pre-Revolutionary urgencies: " 'I should like to have the greatest snowman ever made today, and I would like you, Michelangelo, to sculpt it.' " (206). Though it is impossible to determine to what degree this statement approaches the true improvidence of Piero's existence, it does suggest that "for the sake of what they can purchase with [their money]," princes should learn to guard what wealth they have from foolish expenditures; for as this prince would learn later, his monetary oversights would lead to the downfall of the Florentine state (Smith 205).

Machiavelli's authority on the matter of generosity and miserliness stemmed from a variety of "practical experiences with life and men," each of which amplified the magnitude of the political agony he felt at the destruction of Florence (Carey 8). Aside from his deep love for Florentine sculpture and other works of art, Machiavelli had also witnessed "the slaughter of the tyrants of Romagna by the shrewd and ruthless duke [of Valentinois]," who were unprepared for such an attack in that city, as well as Pope Julius II's subsequent foray to regain control there (Carey 5). He had been present in the court of Emperor Maximilian II before his ruthless attack on Italy as well (Carey 5). He had witnessed almost every possible motive for the subjugation of a throne, but the necessity of writing The Prince did not become a reality until the cultural cosmopolitanism of Florence fell and denied his liberty to profess his wisdom to that state.

From a strictly objective view, The Prince succeeds in presenting a clear, coherent method for maintaining power given the circumstances of its time period. More importantly, however, the "science of statesmanship" has forever been transformed by this writing, as Machiavelli has provided us with a standard by which we can pass judgement upon our own governing bodies (Carey 11). Whether we agree with this man's sentiments or not, Machiavelli's impartial description of the "good military leader" allows his readers to develop their own biases and positions on similar issues in the future.

Works Cited

Carey, Gary. Monarch Notes on Machiavelli. Lincoln: Nebraska Publishing Co., 1997.

Machiavelli, Niccolo. "The Qualities of a Prince." A World of Ideas: Essential Readings for

College Writers. Lee A. Jacobus. 5th edition. Boston: Bedford Books, 1998. Pgs. 33-48.

Smith, Adam. "Of the Principle of the Commercial or Mercantile System." A World of Ideas: Essential Readings for College Writers. Lee A. Jacobus. 5th edition. Boston: Beford Books, 1998. Pgs. 193-205.

Stone, Irving. The Agony and the Ecstasy. New York: Doubleday&Company, 1963.